This was originally prepared as a concept paper for the workshop on ‘The Role of Indigenous Associations in Development’ organised by the Ethiopian Society of Sociologists, Social Workers and Anthropologists, in Adddis Ababa, 25–26 June, 1998.
A. Pankhurst
Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
The paper emphasises the need for giving attention to indigenous community-based organisations within the framework of participatory research approaches. Then enumerates a number of strengths and weaknesses and a number of issues that need to be investigated in relation to such organisations.
With the growing recognition that development can only succeed with participation of local communities, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and other agencies have sought partnerships with indigenous associations, sometimes referred to as community-based organisations (CBOs). The rationale for such collaboration is based on the premise that external agents of change should work with local institutions, indigenous associations and community based organisations rather than creating new or parallel structures which depend on external inputs. It is believed that such collaboration can ensure that local needs are prioritised and the beneficiaries are involved from the onset in the planning, decision-making, implementation, and evaluation of projects. Most importantly, such collaboration is believed to enable local communities to take over projects and run them once external agencies leave thereby ensuring sustainability and long-term benefits.
However, CBO–NGO collaboration poses its own problems and success cases are rare. In some cases such organisations are said not to exist or are considered 'invisible, unable or unwilling to become partners in development.' Part of the problem may result from an inadequate understanding of the differing characteristics of various types of CBOs. There is therefore a need for a better understanding of the range of CBOs in a given locality, region and the country as a whole. This requires assessing their purpose, strengths and weaknesses, autonomy, involvement in development, and the record of CBO–NGO collaboration. This may take the form of bringing together academics, NGO practitioners, and representatives of CBOs and relevant government agencies to discuss the following four inter-related issues:
analysing the differing profile of indigenous associations
reviewing spontaneous attempts by associations at self-initiated development
assessing the record of NGO–CBO collaboration
designing strategies to promote the role of indigenous associations in development.
This concept paper seeks to provide some initial insight into key issues which such a consultation could address. The paper discusses different issues in terms of major debates as well as suggesting specific questions that could be answered. It should be stressed that these suggestions are not guidelines; they do not represent an exhaustive list of relevant topics, nor are all contributors expected to address all the points raised; they are merely meant as pointers to stimulate discussion.
The term indigenous association is used in preference to CBOs or local institutions for several reasons:
the term CBO raises the problematic question of what constitutes a community. This is situationally specific and all 'communities' are heterogeneous, comprising different interest groups, factions etc. The term organisation also seems less specific than the notion of association, which refers to people joining to promote common aims.
the phrase local institution raises the question what is 'local'. For instance would migrant associations be excluded? Also institution is a more complex and diffuse term than association, since it comprises notions of norms, values etc, rather than primarily people getting together as a group on their own initiative for specific purposes.
the term indigenous suggests that such associations are locally initiated groups rather than set up by external agents or authorities.
In the Ethiopian context there are a range of indigenous associations such as iddir (burial associations), iqub (credit associations), mehaber (social/religious associations), debo, wenfel etc (agricultural labour groups), migrant associations, and various resource management associations. The names may vary in different regions but many of these are present all over the country.
There is a debate about the strengths and weaknesses of CBOs. What for some and in certain situations appears as a strength may be interpreted by others or in different circumstances as a weakness. For each strength one can anticipate a weakness (see Table below). However, differences exist between indigenous organisations, and significant differences exist within the same type in different contexts.
Table 1. Some strengths and weaknesses of community-based
organisations.
|
Strengths |
Weaknesses |
|
Spontaneous formation |
Short-lived; liable to dissolve |
|
Voluntary membership |
Exclusive membership |
|
Voluntary contributions |
Social compulsion |
|
Self-reliance and autonomy |
Weak and isolated |
|
Membership control |
Leadership control |
|
Mutual benefit of members |
Benefits limited to group |
|
Sharing of risks, costs benefits |
Disadvantages poorest |
|
Group cohesion |
Excludes others |
|
Trusted and respected |
Limited to the group |
|
Social security and insurance |
Assistance limited |
|
Information and flexible |
Hidden and invisible |
|
Accountable leadership |
Weak control of leaders |
|
Democratic structure |
Represent hierarchies |
|
Efficient pooling of resources |
Wasteful consumption |
|
Promote democratic behaviour |
Influence and role limited |
|
Role in resource management |
Limited influence and authority |
|
Role in resolving conflicts |
Lack of enforcement mechanisms |
|
Local counterbalance to state authority |
Limited scope to act; no higher groupings |
|
Promotes participatory development |
Limited to small isolated groups |
|
Promotes sustainability of projects |
Weak ability to manage projects |
Sources: Braton (1988); Blunt and Warren (1996); Uphoff (1996); Pratten (1997); SPADE (1997).
Indigenous associations vary in many ways. Understanding this organisations begins with an appreciation of their purposes and how individuals and groups use them in different contexts. The following fifteen issues deserve discussion: (1) origins and diffusion, (2) functions, roles and mandates, (3) membership and representatives, (4) leadership and decision-making, (5) management and accountability, (6) durability and sustainability, (7) capacity for self-transformation, (8) relations with the state, (9) role in building civil society, (10) role in poverty alleviation, (11) role in disaster management, (12) role in resource management, (13) role in investing capital, (14) role in pooling labour, (15) self-view and identity.
There is a debate about origins of such associations, notably burial and credit associations. Some suggest that they relate to urbanisation, or monetisation of the economy (e.g. credit associations), others claim that they began during or after the Italian occupation (burial) and are linked with certain groups (e.g. the iqub with the Gurage). Some suggest that they were built on cultural needs (burial, religious associations) but became more formalised (with monetary contributions and election of officers more recently). We therefore need to ask for each of the different types of associations:
are they a relatively recent phenomenon and if so how recent?
when, how, where and by whom were they initiated, and how did they spread?
what was the role of individual leaders and entrepreneurs in their formation?
were they rural spreading to urban or vice-versa?
when, how and to what extent did they become formalised?
There is a debate about whether such institutions are mono-functional (e.g. that iddir are purely burial associations, iqub are merely credit associations, mehaber are religious associations) or whether they are multi-functional (including social gathering, mutual support, insurance, economic self-help etc). To understand the characteristics of indigenous associations we need to know what purposes the different associations serve, what roles they play in social and economic life and the range of their activities.
what various purposes do different indigenous associations serve?
what range of activities and issues are they involved in?
what are they best at doing and in what are they unable to become involved?
is there an overlap between different types or is their functional specialisation?
how do they contribute to the economic and social life of the society?
There is a debate about how inclusive and representative indigenous associations are, and to what extent the membership criteria are exclusive, preventing certain groups from participating. We need to know the relative size of the different types of associations within and between areas, what the composition of their membership is in terms of age, gender, wealth, education, social groupings. What are the criteria for eligibility, who is excluded and can people be expelled and if so for what reasons.
what are the numbers and sizes of different types of associations within an area?
what are the minimum and maximum sizes of groups?
what are the formal and informal criteria for membership?
what is the composition of the membership (age, gender, education, wealth etc)?
who is excluded on what grounds and can people be expelled (if so for what reasons)?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations are democratic, making decisions on the basis of concensus, or are reflections of existing power structures and hierarchies, excluding certain groups (women, the young, craft minorities etc). We need to know how the leadership is formed and whom it represents, how decisions are made, by whom and how dissent or opposition is dealt with.
what leadership positions exist, how are leaders chosen, by whom and for how long?
what are the characteristics of the leadership and whom do they represent?
how often does the association meet, and how are people notified?
how are decisions made, by whom, where and how often?
how are differing views and dissent accommodated or rejected?
There is a debate about the extent of managerial capacity of CBOs and the extent to which they are accountable to their members. We need to know more about their management structure, capacities, experience, working procedures. It is also important to understand the different forms and mechanisms of accountability. We should know what happens in cases of problems, disagreements, disputes and abuses.
how are property and resources managed by indigenous associations?
what are the rules, mechanisms and procedures for managing property?
how accountable is the leadership to the members?
what sanctions exist against abuses, and what mechanisms for changing the leadership?
how are funds managed and is there an accounting system?
There is a debate about whether indigenous organisations are durable and stable and ongoing or whether they are temporary, unstable and liable to disintegrate. The answer depends to some extent on the kind of association. We need to know more about the time span of different associations, their capacity for renewal and continuity and the dangers of disintegration.
how long do different types of associations last?
to what extent is the membership stable or changing?
what are the theoretical and practical minimum and maximum sizes?
what are the threats to the stability and continuity of different associations?
what conditions render different associations unsustainable?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations are flexible and responsive to new needs of their members or whether they are conservative and limited to the initial purposes for which they were set up and are therefore unable to become involved in other issues. We need to know more about examples of indigenous associations that have transformed themselves to work spontaneously for development and the constraints and barriers that prevent so many others from doing so.
what examples do we have of self-transformation of indigenous organisations?
what factors explain these changes and how did they take place?
what was the role of leadership, labour, capital in this transformation?
what was the role of culture and social values in this transformation?
what was the role of outside interventions, roads, markets etc in this change?
There is a debate about whether indigenous associations can complement the role of the state at the micro level or are viewed as acting in contrast to or even in opposition to the state. We need to consider whether there can be a division of labour in which CBOs are allowed to work at the micro level, and if so in what areas they can or should be involved, and in which areas they are unable or should not participate.
to what extent is the state willing to tolerate independent indigenous associations?
what benefits and problems are there for such associations becoming legally registered?
what are the options for such associations to obtain credit and legal protection?
what advantages and problems are there for associations to form higher groupings?
what structures for support exist or can be created to enhance their developmental roles?
There is an international debate about whether there is a role for CBOs in the building of civil society and the development of a democratic culture of governance, or whether these are areas CBOs are not interested, competent, able or willing to become involved in. In Africa generally associations have flourished and played a vital role, whereas in Ethiopia they have tended to have been mistrusted, ignored or even discouraged.
have CBOs played a role in the making of civil society in the past?
do CBOs have an interest and ability to become involved in civil society issues?
is there a societal acceptance of CBOs taking more initiative on such issues?
do CBOs have legal rights and mandates to address civil society and governance issues?
does involvement of CBOs in such issues threaten their ability to serve their members interests?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations benefit the poorest by providing a social security alternative where none exists or whether they benefit mainly the leadership and exclude the poorest, who are unable to cover the costs. External inputs may even lead to increases in membership fees, further marginalising the poorest. We need to know who is included and excluded and whether outside interventions result in positive and/or negative changes in membership and activities of the association.
to what extent do indigenous associations provide social security to the poorest?
do membership fees restrict membership and result in elite associations excluding the poor?
does paying for membership jeopardise or enhance the livelihood of the poor?
do external inputs or 'capital injection' increase membership fees and marginalise the poor?
can indigenous institutions provide value for money in alleviating poverty?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations can be vehicles for disaster preparedness and prevention or whether this is an area that should be left to state structures. In many African countries indigenous associations play an important part in local responses to famine, epidemics, conflict etc. We need to consider whether there is a potential for associations to play a role in anticipating disasters, in preparing local communities and managing grain banks, employment generation schemes, credit schemes.
do indigenous associations respond to disasters or do they collapse under stress?
do local associations use indigenous knowledge in disaster management at the local level?
can and should such a role be strengthened or established or is this best left to state structures?
can associations manage grain banks, employment generation schemes, and credit schemes?
is it practical to work through or strengthen the capacity of associations to manage disasters?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations can play a role in management, sustainable exploitation, protection and regeneration of local resources or whether they are not capable or are not appropriate bodies to work in this area. As local associations they can represent group interests for environmental preservation, but whether they have the capacities to do so requires substantiation and an assessment of the abilities to reach concensus and enforce decisions.
to what extent have indigenous associations played a role in environmental protection?
what is the potential for indigenous associations to manage resource use and protection?
do such associations have the ability to reach concensus, make decisions and enforce them?
what are the constraints of indigenous associations managing their resources?
can indigenous associations resist external or internal threats to local resource abuse?
There is a debate about whether certain indigenous associations can play a role in collecting and reinvesting capital into development initiatives. Migrant associations for instance can collect revenue to invest in roads, mills, schools, clinics etc. We need to inquire how effective indigenous associations are in generating capital for development and what the constraints and potentials for stimulating such a role are.
how effective are indigenous associations at pooling capital for development purposes?
what are the potentials for indigenous associations raising and managing funds?
what are the constraints on indigenous associations raising and managing funds?
how are contributions suggested, rated, collected, extracted from different actors?
how are priorities for the use of funds decided, by whom and how are proposals executed?
There is a debate as to whether indigenous associations can mobilise labour for developmental purposes, e.g. forestry and conservation projects, building roads, dams, clinics, schools, helping the poor to plough land etc. We need to consider whether such projects are best managed at the micro hamlet, village or catchment level or whether they should be left to larger, more inclusive state structures.
how effective are indigenous associations in mobilising labour for developmental purposes?
what are the constraints and limitations of associations mobilising labour for development?
how are decisions on labour allocation reached and what is the labour pooling mechanisms?
how is labour pooled in terms of households, gender, age and wealth?
how is labour pooling for development accepted or resisted by group members?
There is a debate about how indigenous associations view themselves and their roles. We need to consider whether they see themselves as having limited and specific roles with little direct involvement in development issues or whether some view themselves as concerned partly or even primarily with developmental objectives.
do indigenous associations view their role as limited and outside of development issues?
what types of associations and what cases do we find becoming involved in development?
who defines the associations objectives, purposes and missions?
how are changes in the roles of associations explained, justified and rationalised?
what can be learnt from self-sponsored spontaneous initiatives of involvement in development?
Bratton M. 1988. Beyond the state: Civil society and associational life in Africa. World politics 41(3):407–30.
Blunt P. and Warren D.M. 1996. Indigenous organizations and development. Intermediate Technology, London, UK. 253 pp.
Pratten D.T. 1997. Local institutional development and relief in Ethiopia: A Kire-based seed distribution programme in North Wollo. Disasters 21(2):138–154.
SPADE (Society for Participatory Development in Ethiopia). 1997. Community-based organisations and their collaboration with non-governmental organisations. SPADE, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Uphoff N.T. 1996. Local institutional development: An analytical sourcebook with cases. Kumrian Press, West Harefield, UK.
