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Map 14a.
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Kenya: Districts used in the third welfare monitoring survey
(WMS), 1997
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| Map
14b. |
Kenya: Contribution (%) of livestock to total household
income for households above and below the poverty
line
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Map 14c.
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Kenya: Poverty and mean number of cattle owned per household by households above and below the poverty line
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| Map
14d.
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Kenya: Mean numbers of goats,
sheep and pigs owned per household by households above and below the poverty
line
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Map
14e.
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Kenya: Average landholding (ha) for crops and grazing per
household by households above and below the poverty
line
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| Map
14f.
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Kenya: Annual per capita milk production
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Map 14b overlays the relative wealth of Kenya’s districts and
the average district-level percentage of total household income
coming from livestock production for households falling below the
poverty line (households without enough income to meet their basic
needs), and those that lie above it (those with sufficient income to
meet household basic needs). While district averages hide a great
deal of variability, this map and those following show interesting
relationships, some of which do not support the conventional wisdom
(district names are shown in Map
14a).
Map 14b shows that livestock
are an important source of income for households in every district
of Kenya; in many districts, livestock contribute substantially to
total household income (in 40% of Kenya’s districts, income from
livestock contributes more than one-quarter of the total income).
The contribution livestock make to total household income is as
important, or more important, to households falling below the
poverty line as it is to those above it in 78% of the districts. In
general, in the arid pastoral districts, livestock contribute
significantly more to total household income for poorer households
than for those with household income levels that place them above
the poverty line.
Map 14c shows the average number of
cattle owned per household by district, and by households above and
below the poverty line. In most districts, the average number
of cattle is the same for both categories of household, evidence
that rebuts the argument sometimes made that it is only the
wealthiest households that can afford to own cattle. In the northern
arid pastoral zones, households below the poverty line have the same
number or more cattle than the households above the poverty line,
except in Garissa District where the opposite holds. In Maasailand
(Kajiado, Narok and Trans-Mara Districts), households above the
poverty line have more cattle than those below it.
Map 14d shows the
mean numbers of goats, sheep and pigs owned per household by district, and by households
categorised above and below the poverty line. Similarly to cattle,
in the majority of Kenyan districts, the number of smallstock owned
by households below the poverty line is equal to the size of sheep
and goat herds of the households above the poverty line. In Kajiado
and Narok Districts (Maasailand), households above the poverty line
have substantially larger sheep and goat herds than those with
insufficient income to meet their basic needs. However, in the
northern arid pastoral districts, households with income levels
below the poverty threshold have more sheep and
goats.
Average landholdings per household by district
and by households above and below the poverty line are shown in Map
14e. Although it might be expected that households earning
sufficient income to put them above the poverty threshold would
typically own or operate more land than the poor, in almost half of
Kenya’s districts the opposite is true—‘poorer’ households own or
operate more land than ‘less-poor’ households. This is particularly
true in the poorest districts; in 43% of these, households below the
poverty line own or operate more land than households above the
poverty line. This is a somewhat counter-intuitive result, but could
arise in districts where there are many households only slightly
above the poverty line and relatively few wealthy households (that
may have much larger landholdings). There are other possible
explanations: there may be errors in the data or the ways of
reporting on communally owned and privately owned land may not have
been consistent (this may differ from district to district). It may
be that the poor have more land, but the land is marginal (greater
quantity, lower quality). Alternatively, it may be that the
households above the poverty line are simply less involved in
agriculture. Whatever the reasons, the results of both the second
and third welfare monitoring surveys (WMS II and III) show that,
nationally, there is no difference between households above and
below the poverty line with respect to the size of land managed
(Kenya Government, 1998; 2000). Further analysis with
higher-resolution poverty data are needed to help explain this
result.
Map 14f shows annual per capita milk production
across Kenya’s districts. The poorest districts generally correspond
to those with the lowest milk production per person (and this
includes milk produced for sale and for home consumption). The
central highlands (least-poor) districts show relatively consistent
annual milk production levels, ranging between 100 and 200 kg
person-1, with the exception of Nyandarua, which shows a much higher
productivity of 515 kg person-1. In terms of looking towards
dairying to boost income levels for the poor, there appears to be
much potential. In western Kenya, for example, there are striking
contrasts in milk output between districts with the same production
systems, for example Nandi District which produces more than 10
times as much (497 kg person-1) as the neighbouring districts of
Kakamega, Kisumu and Vihiga (27–38 kg person-1). A comparison of
milk output between households above and below the poverty line
would help to shed some light on this striking contrast, but the
milk production data shown in Map14f come from a source other than
the WMS surveys.
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